The corresponding setting inside Syriac ‘s the pael passive participle, whoever setting are mCaCCaC

(12) In a number of NENA dialects the new preterite off Classification II verbs has actually a great vocalism (m)CoCiC- otherwise (m)CuCiC- with no forerunner in the earlier languages. Noldeke (1868, 213) advised the progressive means is regarding the fresh Hebrew pual. Examples: Aradhin mbusille ‘he cooked’ (Krotkoff 1982, 136), Tkhuma mso:re:li ‘I began’, Jilu +poltele ‘he took it out’ (Fox 1992, 54). Versions that have o or u are absent exterior NENA and get a number of of one’s NENA languages: Hertevin, Sanandaj Christian, and Halabja: Halabja bqirraxun ‘you (pl.) asked’, Hertevin bqerre ‘he asked’ (Jastrow 1988, 206).

(13) All round introduce is designated by the a good prefix in most NENA but Hertevin and in Mandaic as well as in Turoyo. The brand new prefix requires certainly around three variations: (a) k- towards all of the verbs (state-of-the-art to help you c- inside Urmi, prolonged in order to ko- ahead of consonants in Turoyo, as well as in Zakho to-be grams- ahead of a spoken phoneme); (b) k- however, merely towards the a limited class of verbs (with a few voicing consumption and regularly other change too); otherwise (c) i- into all the verbs.

Examples: (a) Zakho k-xaze ‘he sees’, g-emir ‘he says’ (Meehan and you may Alon 1979, 182), Urmi csader ‘he sends’ (Hetzron 1969, 115), Turoyo kohoze ‘he sees’, Tisqopa ksaqIl ‘he takes’ (Rubba, personal telecommunications); (b) Halabja k-ImrIx-wa ‘we carry out say’, but doqIx-wa-le ‘we would observe it’, Azerbaijan k-xil ‘he eats, commonly eat’, but sate ‘he beverages, usually, could possibly get drink’ (Garbell 1965, 66, 67); (c) Aradhin i-zare:la ‘he tills it’ (Krotkoff 1982, 70), Jilu i-napli baro ‘they chase her’ (Fox 1992, 55).

New k- prefix appears to be a survival of prefix qa- from BT, as with brand new ubiquitous sites de rencontre en ligne des médias sociaux qatane ‘he teaches’. elizabeth ‘stands’. In certain eastern languages the fresh distribution off k- was simply for a little group of verbs (Garbell 1965, 65). In others, it’s got vanished and you can already been replaced by the a new prefix i-, hence probably began while the a lower brand of we[Theta] ‘there is’.

Examples: Halabja geznawa ta knista ‘I goes to the new synagogue’, Aradhin tla t-sapri ‘to wait’, Jilu zIlli l-yawa zuze tla weil kIcca ‘I went to provide money so you can an effective girl’, Tisqopa [Theta]e:li ta di-mbaslan ‘I (fem

(14) The newest verb ‘give’ was yehav in the BT, and you may yav inside Syriac. It’s been remade throughout NENA dialects from incorporation of your following the l- ‘to’. Brand new crucial, that was hav in Syriac and you may BT, is hal (Noldeke 1868, 256) in all NENA wherein I’ve advice, although not during the Turoyo otherwise Mandaic.

(15) In most NENA, this new just one crucial out of qyama ‘get up’ has shed the final m: Aradhin qu (Krotkoff 1982, 145), Sanandaj Christian qu (Panoussi, 110). The latest plural, but not, retains the brand new m.

(16) Throughout NENA, the newest imperative regarding (i)zala ‘go’ try irregular: Aradhin si (Krotkoff 1982, 147), Sanandaj Religious state (Panoussi 119), Jilu se, Jewish Azerbaijani si (Garbell 1965, 285).

(17) Round the NENA, a number of different terms and conditions are used while the foot having reflexive pronouns such as for example ‘myself’. He could be: ruh- within the Hertevin and in Turoyo, nos- on around three easternmost Jewish languages, and you may gyan- regarding the leftover dialects: Hertevin ruhan ‘ourselves’ (Jastrow 1988, 197), Zakho qtala gyane ‘beating himself’ (Meehan and Alon 1982, 181), Halabja nosan ‘ourselves’.

This qa- is actually in itself a contraction away from qa?

(18) Another preposition meaning ‘to’ or ‘for’ that takes the design ta, tla, or tla is extensive, even when perhaps not universal, when you look at the NENA, yet not used in Mandaic or Turoyo. ) stumbled on cook’ (Rubba, private communication), Zakho cuxa los angeles psIxle darga story ‘no one to open the entranceway in order to him’ (Meehan and you will Alon 1979, 182).